Sunday 25 August 2019

Both Perunthalaivar M. C. Rajah and Dr. Ambedkar Were Determined NOT To Be Part of The Hindu Fold.

M. C. Rajah and Ambedkar in 1942


Misconception: // M. C. Rajah was determined to be part of the Hindu fold. //


This is totally wrong one. Perunthalaivar M. C. Rajah​ was determined NOT to be part of the Hindu fold. In reality he was never a Hindu. In his early days he had considered himself to be part of the Hindu fold. But he changed in his opinion after the bitter experiences with Mr. Mohandas K. Gandhi and Congress in 1938. I know everyone is confined with Poona Pact whenever they hear Perunthalaivar M. C. Rajah. It is not their mistake. Certainly, they are not aware of anything beyond it. They must read him beyond Poona Pact. Remember that M. C. Rajah was not responsible for the Poona Pact. That's Poona Pact was the product of Mr. M. K. Gandhi's injustice drama against the then Depressed Classes.


Everyone has opinion in differences. But all times the opinions are not always consistent. It gets updated with corrections. It applies to both Perunthalaivar M. C. Rajah and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. If you read them, they were updated in many things. Yes, In his earlier days, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar firmly wished for remaining within the Hindu fold. But experience had taught him to next level. That's why Prof. M. C. Rajah and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar were made common cause in Cripps Mission in 1942. As the representatives of the Scheduled Classes of India they sought an assurance from Sir Stafford Cripps that the Scheduled Classes would be included in the racial and religious minorities on March 30, 1942.


Sir Stafford Cripps noted, "After telling me about the conditions of the Depressed Classes, particularly in Madras and Bombay, they [Prof. M. C. Rajah and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar] then went on to point out that under the system of election they would have a very small representation only in the constituent assembly, as most of their so-called representatives would be Congressmen, and that their position would therefore be very weak. They summed up the demands that they would make to the constituent assembly and then asked me whether we considered that they came within the racial and religious minorities, to which I answered yes, and what sort of provisions were likely to be made in the Treaty for their protection."

 Further in their joint statement to Sir Stafford Cripps they complained, "We are all of us absolutely convinced that the proposals are calculated to do the greatest harm to the Depressed Classes and are sure to place them under an unmitigated system of Hindu rule. Any such result which takes us back to the black days of the ancient past will never be tolerated by us, and we are all determined to resist any such catastrophe befalling our people with all the means at our command."

Cripps Mission, M. C. Rajah, Ambedkar

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar explained the followings in April 26, 1942:
"I thought for long that we could rid the Hindu society of its evils and get the depressed classes incorporated into it on terms of equality. That motive inspired the Mahad Chaudar Tank satyagraha and the Nasik temple entry satyagraha. With that object in mind we burned the Manu smriti and performed mass thread ceremonies. Experience has taught me better. I stand today absolutely convinced that for the depressed classes there can be no equality among the Hindus because on inequality rest the foundations of Hinduism. We no longer want to be part of the Hindu society."

Unfortunately Perunthalaivar M. C. Rajah was died in August 1943. Had not happened, it would have changed the course of the Scheduled Classes Movement. The great influence of Prof. M. C. Rajah and Dr. Ambedkar would have drifted the Scheduled Classes of India to be a minority as like as the Muslims brethren.

Ambeth.,
Dharmapuri,
Tamil Nadu.

Jai bheem..!

Reference:
* Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, writings and speeches, English Volume 17, Part-III (70) Page-236 / Tamil Volume 37, Page-297.



Ambedkar, M. C. Rajah and Manusmriti

Saturday 17 August 2019

My Views On Dr. Thirumavalavan.

Dr. Thirumavalavan

I have always been thinking these two things about you Dr. Thirumaavalavan Anna. One, If you were born among the 4th Grade Shudras (OBC= BC + MBC) brethren then the entire Tamil Nadu Shudras would keep you on their heads. Such an unparalleled Intellect politician you are. Nothing to say, Tamil Nadu is the land of Shudras hegemony since 1960s. Second, If you were born in a North / East / Western India states then easily you might have attained the national stature. It is also not a new thing. It has been continuing since 1930s.

Jai bheem...!!!

Brief Note About Dr. Thirumaavalavan:
* Educational Qualifications: B.Sc.(Chemistry)., M.A.(Criminology)., B.L., Ph.D.,
* Member of Parliament (Chidambaram, 'House of the People' Constituency). [15th and 17th Parliament]
* President, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (Liberation Panthers Party).

Friday 16 August 2019

V. I. Muniswamy Pillai On The National Flag And Buddha In The Constituent Assembly of India.

Ambedkar and V. I. Muniswamy Pillai at Nagpur, 1932.


V. I. Muniswamy Pillai was one of the earliest national level leaders of the Scheduled Classes Movement in India.

Here is the excerpt from the speech of V. I. Muniswamy Pillai in the Constituent Assembly of India on 22nd July 1947 for the adoption of the National Flag.

V. I. Muniswamy Pillai (Madras: General):
"It is not to be the Flag of the rich or the wealthy but it is to be the
Flag of the depressed, oppressed and submerged classes all over our country. Sir, I particularly welcome the introduction of the wheel in the centre. I also welcome the introduction of the Sarnath Lion Capital of Asoka. Asoka, coming as he did after the great Buddhist order, has given us the great Panchaseelam, above all, sympathy for humanity.

The Scheduled Classes feel that the constitution which is on the anvil of this supreme body is going to bring solace to the millions of the submerged classes. The principle of Buddha who exhibited practically his great sympathy for suffering human beings, I am sure, Sir, will be practically carried out after accepting this great Flag."


Photo: This photo was taken with 'Samata Sainik Dal' members and the leaders of the 'All India DC Congress' (2nd Conference). Under the Presidentship of V. I. Munusamy Pillai (from Tamil Nadu) this conference was held on May 8th, 1932 at Nagpur. Thatha Rettamalai Srinivasan, Thanthai N. Sivaraj and Babu Mangu Ram were also attended.

Compiled:
Ambeth,
Dharmapuri,
Tamil Nadu.

Reference:
* Constituent Assembly Debates, 22nd July 1947, Page 744-45.


Sunday 11 August 2019

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Father Name: 'Ramji Maloji Ambedkar'.

'Ambedkar' not a brahmin teacher name.


There have been a lot of rumors going around about Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar's name. It has been said that a Brahmin Teacher changed Babasaheb name in school records but there is no authentic proof of such thing. The name 'Ambedkar' was not given by a Brahmin Teacher. But it was the surname of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s father 'Ramji Maloji Ambedkar'. This information was mentioned in Indian Information under the caption ‘Personalities’ dated on March 1, 1943.

Ambeth.,
Dharmapuri,
Tamil Nadu.

Reference:
* Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, Tamil Volume - 18, Page- 4 / English Volume- 10, Page- 3.

Jai bheem...!!

Saturday 10 August 2019

Briefly: Backward Classes (BC) = [ SC+ ST+ OBC (Other Backward Classes) ].

Backward Classes (BC) means SCs, STs and OBCs



According to the Constitution of India, the nomenclature 'Backward Classes (BC)' means SCs, STs and OBCs. Here 'OBC' means 'Other Backward Classes' i,e other than the SCs and STs. The Constitution has mentioned the terms like 'Backward class of citizens' in Article 16(4) and 'the weaker sections of the people' in Article 46.

Let we see what the aforementioned Articles says:
1. Article 16(4): 
Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favor of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.

2. Article 46: 
Promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections. The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the SC and the ST, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.

Not all the Backward Classes (BC) i.e., SCs, STs and OBCs are listed under Hinduism:

* The SCs are listed under only three religions namely Buddhism, Sikhism and Forced Hinduism Label. This Forced Hinduism label status was done by Mr. Mohandas K. Gandhi in 1932. Now demand for inclusion of Christianity and Islam in the SCs list has been going on.

* The STs are listed under all religions in India i.e., Buddhism, Sikhism, Christianity, Islam, Jainism, Zoroastrianism and Hinduism.

* The OBCs are listed under all religions in India i.e., Buddhism, Sikhism, Christianity, Islam, Jainism, Zoroastrianism and Hinduism.


Ambeth.,
Dharmapuri,
Tamil Nadu.

Jai bheem..!!


Also Read:

Thursday 8 August 2019

Who Is More Benefited By The 69% Reservation (Representation) Policy In Tamil Nadu?

69% Reservation (Representation) Policy in Tamil Nadu



Obviously, Tamil Nadu's Fourth Grade Shudra Hindus [ OBC = Backward Castes (BC) + Most Backward Castes (MBC)] have been getting more Quotas based on their Population proportion. They have been getting 46.5% in 69% Reservation [i.e. BC (26.5% Quota) and MBC (20% Quota)]. This is the highest level of quotas being gotten by Tamil Nadu Shudras than any other state Shudras in India. Here I excluded 3.5% Representation to Muslims brethren.

Who are the 4th Grade SHUDRA HINDUS in Tamil Nadu? 
Brief Answer: OBC i.e. BC and MBC. Apart, some are in the General Category (except Brahmins).

Why are they getting 46.5% in 69% Reservation (Representation) in Tamil Nadu? 
Shudras are the LOWER CASTE section of Hindu religion, according to the Law of Manu. By socially and educationally they were deprived by the Varna system. So, they are categorized mostly under the OBC at National level. In Tamil Nadu they are categorized under BC and MBC. Apart, some Shudras are in the General Category too. They constitute 67.6% of the total population of Tamil Nadu. The peculiar nature of South India on comparative with North or West India is that there is no Kshatriya or Vaishya Varna concept here. However, they are lower to Brahmins. Periyar E. V. Ramasamy himself a Shudra [Naicker] who fought against the Brahmanism / Varna caste system and the authority of Brahmins enjoyed in higher social status. That's why historically Shudras have been getting the full-fledged Quota since 1928 in the Madras state (including Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and some parts of Karnataka and Kerala). This is because of the Social Justice movement of Pandit Iyothee Thass, Thatha Rettamalai Srinivasanar, Perunthalaivar M.C. Rajah, Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, leaders of Justice Party and others. After the independence, it was confirmed by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Periyar E.V. Ramasamy. They have been getting their state government jobs or educational institutions for higher studies through the quota system, based on their Caste certificate. But they are mud-slinging on the Scheduled Classes. Whenever the Reservation (Representation) topic arises, Tamil Nadu's Shudra Hindus (BC and MBC) and Shudras in General Category would never forget to utter, "The SCs alone get the Quotas."

Thanks to 10% EWS Quota debates. Before this debate, all the 4th Grade Shudra Hindus in Tamil Nadu were thought themselves as merits and upper castes. Although Shudra Hindus [BC and MBC] are eating 46.5% Quota in Tamil Nadu level, their only targets are the Scheduled Classes (SC/ST). The value of 19% (i.e SC- 18% and ST- 1%) for the Scheduled Classes is being looked like 190% by their blurred eyes.

Both Dravidian SHUDRA Parties i,e DMK and AIADMK have been ruling Tamil Nadu for more than 50 years. Had they included about the historical facts of Reservation/ Representation system [Why SHUDRA brethren are getting 46.5% Quota? why SCHEDULED CLASSES are getting 19%?] in the STATE BOARD Syllabus, Tamil Nadu SHUDRAS [BC and MBC] would not have against it today.

It is a pitiable mockery one in Tamil Nadu. The brethren of BC and MBC are thinking themselves as 'Upper Castes' albeit they are the SHUDRAS to their Hindu religion. Whatever they [Some castes among BC and MBC] may decorate or beat themselves as Kshatriyas or with any titles, according to their Hindu religion they are only to be placed in a LOWER CASTE SHUDRAS. There is no Kshatriya or Vaishya Varna concept in South India. In Tamil Nadu, the Castes are categorized under BC [131 castes], MBC/DNC [109 castes] and excluding Brahmins in General Category are the LOWER CASTE SHUDRAS according to their Hindu religion. Although the Constitution of India never mentions them as such like, it is based on their strata to their Hindu religion. The Dravidian Shudra politics successfully achieved in fade away the term 'Shudras' on them. But for the Scheduled Classes? They successfully labelled the Scheduled Class as 'Thalthappattor'. What Onion pattor! This is one of the greatest achievements of Dravidian Shudra hegemony politics.

If my assumption is correct, within the next ten years Tamil Nadu's 69% Reservation Policy will be smashed by the decree of Supreme Court. Either will decrease the percentage or stringent in non-creamy layer policy, particularly for the Shudra Hindu's 46.5% Reservation.


Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, E.V. Periyar and OBC Reservation


Reservation for Tami Nadu Shudras must be abolished not only for the BC and MBC but also the Shudras under the EWS General Category. Then only they will come to know its values. That time these Shudras will be jumping.

Under the Government of Tamil Nadu, this 4th Grade Shudra Hindu (OBC= BC + MBC) brethren are dominated in the top echelon posts in state level. It has advanced to next version as Shudras (OBC) hegemony in state level now. Almost the Scheduled Classes have been neglected here. I think it is the right time to show their power to abolish 46.5% Reservation (Representation) System for BC [26.5% Quota] and MBC [20% Quota] and prove themselves as merit boys. Tell me, how long will you getting the Quota? Almost it is nearer to 100 years.

I urge all [Those who against 69% Representation Policy in Tamil Nadu] to kindly follow the below given,
1. First tear your BC and MBC caste certificates. By doing this type, you will create a Revolutionary steps to abolish your caste within 30 seconds.
2. Don't apply for the State Government jobs under BC [26.5% Quota] and MBC [20% Quota]. Apply only for 31% General Quota.
3. Don't get the Government Colleges [Arts, Science, Law, Engineering, Medical and others] under BC [26.5% Quota] and MBC [20% Quota]. Apply only for 31% General Quota.

Present Reservation (Representation) Policy in Tamil Nadu;
General Category– 31%,
OBC – 50% [BC= 26.5%, MBC=20%, Muslims- 3.5%],
SC – 18% and
ST – 1%.

Present Reservation (Representation) Policy in India;
General – 40.5%,
General [EWS exclude ST/SC/OBC] - 10%
OBC – 27%,
SC – 15%,
ST – 7.5%

Note:
Sourashtra (Patnulkarar) and Sathatha Sri Vaishnavas are the two Brahmin communities enjoying the BC (26.5% Quota) and MBC (20% Quota) reservation respectively in Tamil Nadu.


Ambeth.,
Dharmapuri,
Tamil Nadu.

Jai bheem…!!!

Also Read:

Monday 5 August 2019

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar's View on Kashmir Issue and His Speeches On Kashmir in Indian Parliament.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar's View on Kashmir Issue in 1951


1. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar had dissatisfied for the foreign policy of India. This was one of the reasons behind for the resignation of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar from the cabinet (Law Minister) in 1951.

For More: Reasons behind for the resignation of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar from the cabinet (Law Minister) in 1951.

Here the Statement of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar:
"The third matter which has given me cause, not merely for dissatisfaction but for actual anxiety and even worry, is the foreign policy of the country. Any one, who has followed the course of our foreign policy and along with it the attitude of other countries towards India, could not fail to realise the sudden change that has taken place in their attitude towards us. On 15th of August 1947 when we began our life as an independent country, there was no country which wished us ill. Every country in the world was our friend. Today, after four years, all our friends have deserted us. We have no friends left. We have alienated ourselves. We are pursuing a lonely furrow with no one even to second our resolutions in the U.N.O. When I think of our foreign policy, I am reminded of what Bismark and Bernard Shaw have said. Bismark has said that "Politics is not a game of realising the ideal. Politics is the game of the possible." Bernard Shaw not very long ago said that good ideals are good but one must not forget that it is often dangerous to be too good. Our foreign policy is in complete opposition to these words of wisdom uttered by two of the world's greatest men. How dangerous it has been to us this policy of doing the impossible and of being too good is illustrated by the great drain on our resources made by our military expenditure, by the difficulty of getting food for our starving millions and by difficulty of getting aid for the industrialisation of our country.

Out of 350 crores of rupees of revenue we raise annually, we spend about Rs. 180 crores of rupees on the Army. It is a colossal expenditure which has hardly any parallel. This colossal expenditure is the direct result of our foreign policy. We have to foot the whole of our Bill for our defence ourselves because we have no friends on which we can depend for help in any emergency that may arise. I have been wondering whether this is the right sort of foreign policy.

Our quarrel with Pakistan is a part of our foreign policy about which I feel deeply dissatisfied. There are two grounds which have disturbed our relations with Pakistan - one is Kashmir and the other is the condition of our people in East Bengal. I felt that we should be more deeply concerned with East Bengal where the condition of our people seems from all the newspapers intolerable than with Kashmir. Notwithstanding this we have been staking our all on the Kashmir issue. Even then I feel that we have been fighting on an unreal issue. The issue on which we are fighting most of the time is, who is in the right and who is in the wrong. The real issue to my mind is not who is in the right but what is right. Taking that to be the main question, my view has always been that the right solution is to partition Kashmir. Give the Hindu and Buddhist part to India and the Muslim part to Pakistan as we did in the case of India. We are really not concerned with the Muslim part of Kashmir. It is a matter between the Muslims of Kashmir and Pakistan. They may decide the issue as they like. Or if you like, divide it into three parts; the Cease-fire zone, the Valley and the Jammu-Ladhak Region and have a plebiscite only in the Valley. What I am afraid of is that in the proposed plebiscite, which is to be an overall plebiscite, the Hindus and Buddhists of Kashmir are likely to be dragged into Pakistan against their wishes and we may have to face the same problems as we are facing today in East Bengal."

Source: 
* Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches, English Volume- 14, Part-II / Tamil Volume- 32.

2. Representation of The People Bill:
"Then I come to Kashmir. As the House will see, there is a special provision with regard to Kashmir and that provision differs in one important respect and that is that the Kashmir representatives will not be elected by the people. Now, the reason for making an exception in regard to Kashmir is this, namely, that Kashmir is a part of India in a very attenuated manner, so to say. The Article relating to Kashmir says that only Article 1 applies, that is to say, Kashmir is part of the territories of India. The application of the other provisions of the Constitution, that Article says, will depend upon the President, who may in consultation with the Government of Kashmir apply the rest of the Articles with such modifications and alterations as he may determine. As the honourable House may probably know, there has been already issued an order in regard to Kashmir in which the President has modified the Article providing for the representation of States in Parliament by stating that he shall nominate the representatives of Kashmir in consultation with the Government of Kashmir. I think it was issued on the 26th January. That being so, there is really no room for this Parliament to make any provision with regard to the representation of Kashmir in Parliament in a manner different from what has been provided in the Bill. I think that nothing more is necessary for the purpose of elucidating how the First Schedule has been brought into being."

Source:
* Parliamentary Debates: Vol. 4, Part II, 18th April 1950, Pages- 3000-06.
* Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches, English Volume- 15, Page- 129.


Dr. Ambedkar's View on Kashmir Issue in 1952.


3. Budget (General) 1952-53 General Discussion:
"If we were informed that our relations with certain foreign countries were not happy, that there might be any time a danger to our safety and to our security, it would be possible for most of us to agree that rather than wait for the arrival of the danger, we should keep the Army ready so that in an emergency we may face the danger squarely. But we are told that we have no enemy at all in this world. Then, why this army is maintained, I do not quite know. Secondly, the only possible enemy, if one may use that world, is probably Pakistan. And that too, on account of Kashmir. Now, with regard to Kashmir, I hope that this House will have a full opportunity of discussing that question. I did not have time to say anything, nor did I think it right to spend just a few moments on a problem so great as that of Kashmir. But surely the matter is within the charge of the U.N.O., and I do not think that Pakistan would be so foolish as to invade Kashmir or to invade this country in the teeth of the U.N.O. decision on the subject. Therefore, again, why are you maintaining this Army? I am quite unable to understand the point.
Then, Sir, on our part we never seem to be able to realise that the sooner we settle this Kashmir problem the better for us, because if the excuse for this enormous is increase in our Defence Budget is to be attributed to the Kashmir tangle, is it not our duty to do something, to contribute something, positively in order to bring that dispute to an end? I cannot expatiate on the subject, but so far as I have been able to study the part played by the Government of India in connection with the negotiations that have been taking place on the settlement of the Kashmir issue, I am sorry to say that I have not read a single word which I can describe as a positive and not a negative suggestion on the part of the Government of India to settle this question. All that they are dealing with is the question of military allotment. The question of plebiscite is in no way new in the history of the world. One need not go back to the ancient past to find precedents for settling questions of this sort by plebiscite. After the First World War, I certainly remember there were two questions to be settled by plebiscite. One was the question of Upper Silesia and the other was the question of Alsace-Lorraine. Both these questions were settled by plebiscite, and I am sure that my hon. Friend Shri Gopalaswami Ayyangar, with his mature wisdom and sagacity, must be knowing of this. It is not possible for us to borrow something from the line of action taken by the League of Nations with regard to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia and Alsace-Lorraine which we can usefully carry into the Kashmir dispute and have the matter settled quickly so that we can release Rs. 50 crores from the Defence Budget and utilise it for the benefit of our people ?
I do not want to say much more, but I do want to say that most of us are feeling very keenly that the Defence Budget is the greatest stumbling block in the path of the welfare of this country."

Source:
* Parliamentary Debates: Vol. I of 1952, 27th May 1952, 
Pages: 469-80.
* Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches, English Volume- 15, Pages: 848-50.

Jai bheem...!!!